Korean mothers only want a White Native-Speaker English teacher for their children: Myth or reality?

In blogs and break rooms alike, you may have heard that Korean mothers prefer native speakers to teach their children English. But who counts as a native speaker? Do Korean parents of hagwon kids want anyone who has spoken English from early childhood? Those of us who have taught here for a while have looked around and noticed that, in Korea, not all native speakers are created equal. If this is true, then what kind of native speaker do they prefer? Are Korean and other non-White teachers unilaterally seen as less preferable, or are there factors that might increase their appeal? Does gender matter? Do mothers prefer female teachers, as we’ve heard? We know age is important in Korea, but how important is it for choosing an English teacher? Or perhaps we’re assigning blame where none is due. Is it the hagwon owners who are to blame for hiring on the basis of race, age, native-speaker status, and plain old good looks?

We were curious about what Korean moms really look for when shopping for an English teacher for their child. As part of our research into the issue, we have been asking Korean mothers from a variety of social and economic backgrounds what they want in an English teacher for their child and why. Our research aims to heighten the understanding of the issue and to better address non-native English speaking teacher (NNEST) inequality in Korea. There have been only a few studies on this subject (Chang, 2005) and our study serves as an investigation into the factors that influence perceptions and preferences for English teachers. 

During personal interviews, a range of mothers were first asked to define who is a native speaker. Mothers were asked about their preferences for both native English teachers and Korean English teachers in terms of their gender, age, years of teaching experience, professional qualification and what aspects they considered the most important. In the pilot stage of the study the mothers were presented a selection of photos (with no biographical information) from which they chose their preferred teacher and were asked why. Our findings from the initial research indicate that Korean mothers do hold explicit preferences not only for White native English speakers of a particular race and nationality, but also for gender, age and physical appearance. While professional qualification and experience may have played a role, the mothers’ interview data did not suggest that they were viewed as a prominent factor. Our initial data also indicates that there is a clear division on the mothers’ choice of who is more appropriate to teach particular skills. The mothers almost exclusively felt that native speakers were preferable for conversation and best during preschool and early elementary school years when the focus on test results is minimal. They preferred a Korean teacher for teaching grammar and writing and believed that once students are in middle school a combination of both native speaker and Korean speaking teacher is ideal.

The pilot study’s results generated a variety of new questions. The data collection and methodology of the study’s second, and current, stage, is essentially the same yet in addition to first seeing the photos with no biographical data, they then see the same photos with biographical data provided. In doing so the mothers are able to see information on the individual’s first language, race, country of origin, age etc as well as their educational background and professional experience during the second phase of the photo examination process. In doing so, we aim to learn whether professional qualifications can trump physical characteristics.  The second stage of the study has only just begun, but initial data indicates that Korean mothers do consider professional capability more important than they demonstrated in the first study. They do not appear to blindly consider a teacher’s nationality, gender, age and physical appearance in a vacuum. If teachers are able to manage their students appropriately and pass on content knowledge to their child skillfully, they are acknowledged as good teachers. This is encouraging news with respect to general assumptions about non-native English speaking teacher (NNEST) inequality in Korea.

However, the data does not divide so evenly, singling out a qualification as the most important determining factor. All things being equal, most mothers still held preferences for the White native speaker. What is their reasoning? The final data is still being collected but we are considering the role of socio-economic mobility and the role that a child’s exposure to Western English speakers means to mothers. Korean society takes a serious view of academic and professional attainment. Personal networks and cliques are extremely important when negotiating through school and adult life. Yet socio-cultural exposure is also a significant factor in broadening one’s personal knowledge and one’s ability to easily move and interact in a variety of contexts The opportunities available influence social position, income, and marriage. In other words, we are examining our data to learn if mothers of different socio-economic classes place different values on exposure to a White native speaker teacher. If a mother already knows that her child belongs to the upper classes and is ensured a range of opportunity and mobility, there may be less desire for their child to have a White native speaker English teacher. Yet if a mother understands that there will be limited opportunity to interact with Western native speakers or go abroad, exposure to a White native speaker in the classroom may be of higher value not necessarily to expose her child to ‘authentic’ English, but rather to an image of global power. In addition, having a White native speaker teacher is more expensive that a Korean English teacher. So, having a White native speaker shows you can afford it and associates you with a socio-economic position. Several of our interviewees have discussed these points. So, in fact, we may learn that the myth of the native speaker is fueled not so directly by racial bias, but what much of Korean society is fueled by, a means to obtain a better socio-economic position.

Stay tuned to ESL Geek to learn where our final research will be written up and published. Currently, you can learn more about our initial stage of the project from the presentation summary published in the KOTESOL International 2007 Convention handbook or by contacting us directly.

Authors
Kyung-Ae Oh, M.A. TESOL (Missouri State University), is a professor
in the Division of General Education at Soongsil University, Seoul, where she teaches English. She has been teaching TOEFL, TOEIC, and other subjects of English at language institutes and universities in Seoul for over 10 years. She also volunteers as a Korean as a foreign language teacher for migrant workers. Her research interests include language and identity and language and gender.

Kara Mac Donald, Doctorate of Arts & Master in Applied Linguistics (University of Sydney) is a professor at Hanyang University, Hanyang-Oregon TESOL Program (Seoul), where she is involved in teacher training. Her interests are in issues related to NNEST and the role of accent, race and gender in TESOL.

Jocelyn Graf, M.A. Applied Linguistics (University of Illinois, Chicago), is the assistant director of Hanyang University’s English Writing Lab (Seoul), where she supports biomedical scientists writing for publication. She also volunteers as a translator and interpreter for migrant worker advocacy organizations in Korea. Her research interests include linguistic ecology and multilingual environments.